French Intervention

The military and religious struggle between Catholics and Protestants for supremacy in Central Europe (a war that had already been 14 years continuing) was reaching its most crucial stage. The icy and nublosa morning of November 16, 1632, Protestant Gustavo Adolfo II of Sweden and his 19,000 men, and the Catholic forces of Albretch von Wallenstein with nearly 25,000 men, were running towards the plains of Lutzen, northeast of the road of Leipzig (Saxony, Germany current) to decide the final course of the war. Sweden, weeks ago, had achieved a resounding victory at the battle of Breitenfield, where Maj. Gen. of the Catholic League, Johan Tzerclaes, famous Tilly’s had died. Philip II, the Emperor of the Germans States, longed for revenge. And he played even his pride calling Wallenstein, who had dismissed years ago. The Swedish hosts advance was rapid and forceful.

Throughout Saxony, Pomerania, Magdeburg and the Palatinate, had fallen under its control. Gustavo II, a true portent of the Organization and the strategy, had initiated a systematic looting of Catholic property and reinforced Protestant possessions so lose this battle, the Evangelical pre-eminence would be inevitable. Eve, Maj. Gen. German Felipe II, Von Wallenstein, diminished by the gout disease, had ordered, with some desperation, dig trenches and establishing the final order of battle and strategy. Wallenstein, against an enemy of superior skill, knows that fight without more reinforcements would be madness. But the proximity of Sweden forces him to accept a battle that does not want to. At 2 in the morning, Wallenstein sends a message of relief to the general Gottfried Graf von Pappenheim Cologne.

The enemy advances wrote. Dear Lord, let everything else and go with your forces and artillery to help me. You can be here tomorrow morning. (Gustavo of Sweden) is still in the step of Rippach. Pappenhein, for Catholic luck, joins his cause and next to his 8,000 men out of Cologne before dawn to scratch.

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Buenos Aires

… Is the rider of weighed metal that it projects of high its cyclical series of shades. … Is a sword that served in the war and that it is but a weapon that a memory. …

Is the face of Christ who vi in the dust, I insult the hammers blow, in one of the ships of the Piedad (BORGES, 2001, P. 68-69). Borges really runs away from the buclico saudosismo of the romantic ones, constructing its to make poetical of doubts and subjective contradictions. It has in verses in prominence the coherence and incoherence of one I broken up, that it searchs in the city Buenos Aires the totality of the existence: ' ' Buenos Aires is to another street, the one that I never did not step on, is the private center of blocks, the last patios, is what the faades escondem' ' (BORGES, 2001, P. 68). In the poetry Buenos Aires this return to the origins is evident, vindication of a lyric one of the memory.

The city and the memory are identified while labirntica consubstanciao of the existence. Already if manifest in incipient way the figure it flneur, it andarilho of the city, it man in the anonymity, very characterized in last verses it well poem: ' ' Buenos Aires is … the quarter that is not yours nor mine, what we ignore and amamos' ' (BORGES, 2001, P. 70). In May 20, 1928, beyond showing, really, the consolidation of the poetical force of Borges in the lyric mnemonics, since that the proper heading is a reminiscncia, brings the image of flneur in marcante way: ' ' It walks slowly under the tlias; it looks at railings the doors, do not stop lembr-las' ' (BORGES, 2001, P. 33). It is perceived that in this I break up the caminhante is lost in its souvenirs, anonymous in the world of the cities, way to the world them others, drama of the similar urban poetry to soneto To a Passer-by, of Baudelaire, as if it can evidence I break up in it below: The street in around was an uncommon noise.